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  • January 2005

URGENT ACTION: Freedom for MST Political Prisoners

MST International Relations Sector
DATE: July 29, 2003 NOTE TO SOCIETY

On July 11th, Jos� Rainha Junior attended a court hearing in Teodoro Sampaio. The prosecution witnesses were giving evidence in the case in which he has been charged with obstructing a work place - he allegedly organized a protest in Banco do Brazil and Banespa in 2000.

Once the hearing was over, the county judge in Teodoro Sampaio, �tis de Ara�jo de Oliveira, asked the military police to enter the room. The policemen arrested Jos� Rainha Junior, who was handcuffed and taken to Teodoro Sampaio Police Station.

Such practice is routine. In Brazil, five agrarian reform activists were arrested after they had voluntarily appeared in court in order to testify before the judge.

The prison order was served against Jos� Rainha, Felinto Proc�pio dos Santos (Mineirinho), M�rcio Barreto, Cl�dson Mendes and S�rgio Pantale�o. Mineirinho only went to the police station to visit Jos� Rainha, and was also arrested. The others, following instructions from their solicitors, reserved the right to resist arrest while waiting for the judgment of their habeas corpus request.

While Gilmar Mauro of the National Direction of the MST, escorted by the solicitor from the Social Network for Justice and Human Rights and Roberto Rainha, attended court requesting to see the records for their prison order, they were told that the records would be kept in secret of justice for 24 hours. So far, the solicitors have not had access to the records of the case.

Even the judge of the court of appeals, Gercino Jos� da Silva Filho and the National Agrarian Magistrate pleaded unsuccessfully to the judge to allow the MST solicitors to have copies of the court case.

This is one more of the many arbitrary actions by the judge, �tis de Ara�jo Oliveira, who in one of his rulings even compared the MST with the criminal organization PCC. This is an attempt to criminalize the struggle of the landless women and men for their constitutional right to the agrarian reform.

From May 2002 to date 29 decrees of preventive custody were elaborated against the members of the MST, in Teodoro Sampaio/SP county. Such facts portray the greatest attempt to criminalize the social movements that struggle for agrarian reform in the country. It was an attempt though, since 24 of those decrees were revoked by the Criminal Court of appeals, by the Court of Justice in S�o Paulo or by Superior Court of Justice. Only the last decree which ordered the arrest of five members of the MST, has not been revoked yet. In this law suit, since the 11th, the judge in Teodoro Sampaio has not allowed the solicitors to access the records of the case.

We ask all of you to send messages in solidarity with the prisoners, protesting against the arbitrary decisions of judge �TIS ARA�JO OLIVEIRA. and requesting his removal from court cases involving members of the MST since his sentences are biased and undermined by political prejudice.

Please send letters to:

Exmo. Sr. Dr. Juiz de Direito �tis de Ara�jo Oliveira
Teodoro Sampaio Court House
Rua Passeio Curi�, n.� 4 e 5 � Vila S�o Paulo - Teodoro Sampaio / SP
CEP 19280-000 Fax: (18) 282-1152

Exmo. Sr. Ministro Nilson Vital Naves
President of the Superior Court of Justice
SAFS - Quadra 06 - Lote 01 - Trecho III - CEP 70095-900
Bras�lia - DF
Fax: (61) 319-8193 - 319-8194 - 319-8195
Presidencia@stj.gov.br
gab.nilson.naves@stj.gov.br

Exmo. Sr. Desembargador Sergio Augusto Nigro Concei��o
President of Court of Justice of S�o Paulo State
Pra�a da S�, s/n - S�o Paulo - SP - CEP 01018.010
Fax: (11) 3242-6890

Exmo. Sr. Dr. Juiz Jos� Renato Nalini
President of the Criminal Court
Pra�a Jo�o Mendes s/n - CEP 01501-900, S�o Paulo/SP
tacrim@ouvidoria.sp.gov.br

Exmo. Sr. Geraldo Alckimin
Governor of S�o Paulo State
saopaulo@sp.gov.br
Fax: 11 3745 3621

Exmo. Sr. Secret�rio Alexandre de Moraes
Secretary of Justice and Defense of the citizenship of S�o Paulo State
justi�a@justica.sp.gov.br

Fax: 11 3291 2600

SAMPLE LETTER (feel free to use or write your own)

Dear Hon. _____,

I am writing to you today with grave concern for the arbitrary arrests of five agrarian reform activists -Jos� Rainha, Felinto Proc�pio dos Santos (Mineirinho), M�rcio Barreto, Cl�dson Mendes and S�rgio Pantale�o - who were arrested after they had voluntarily appeared in court in order to testify before Judge �tis Ara�jo Oliveira. Understanding your deep commitment to justice and human rights, I am writing to urge you to demand the solicitors access to the records of the case. I am also writing to request Judge Oliveira�s removal from all court cases involving members of the MST since his sentences are biased and undermined by political prejudice.

I urge that your honor end the decrees of preventive custody elaborated against the members of the MST in Teodoro Sampaio/SP county that attempt to criminalize the MST�s struggle for agrarian reform. The efforts of courageous people of Brazil who are constructing an example of justice and equality does not go unnoticed.

I appreciate your urgent attention to the matters discussed above.

Sincerely,

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (1)

URGENT ACTION: One Landless Worker is Killed and Many Others Wounded in Paraíba Land Conflict

National Secretariat June 4, 2003

This morning, about 1500 landless workers were working together on the São José farm when a group of heavily armed hired men (ordered by the farm owner, Marcos Napoleão) surprised the workers. The hired men attacked the landless families and fired many shots at them. 43 year-old worker Antônio Alves da Silva was killed and ten other workers were wounded. Three of those were seriously wounded, including two women (one just fourteen years old) and one man.

The São José farm is located in the municipality of Jacaraú, 65 kilometers from João Pessoa. The farm extends over 400 hectares of land and was occupied by fifty landless families from the region on August 5, 2001. The families requested that INCRA survey the property, but their request was refused according to MP 2029, which states that occupied land will not be surveyed. INTERPA (Land Institute of Paraíba) agreed to come up with a proposal to resolve the problem, but has done nothing up until now. The families have already suffered eviction, various threats, and assassination attmepts. Currently, the families are camped near the farm; they continue to plant and harvest products to guarantee food on their tables.

In Paraíba, landowner Marcos Napoleão is known as an arms trafficker; he had his house inspected by the Legislative Assembly's Parliamentary Commission of Investigation, a group that investigates accusations of rural violence and private militias in the state of Paraíba. When Napoleão's house was inspected, many firearms and ammunition were confiscated.

On September 12th and 14th of last year, the families were threatened by 11 hired men on orders of the landowner. On the 15th of that same month, as the families were trying to prepare food, they were surprised by the arrival of Napoleão's gunmen. The hired men arrived with a bucket of gasoline and cotton-tipped torches. They soaked the torches, lit them on fire and threw them on top of the families' shelters. While this was happening, nine of the hired men began firing their guns toward the settlement from the top of a truck. All of the families' shelters were burned down and two of the workers were hit by the gunfire: José Gomes da Silva (45 years old) and Cláudio Rodrigues da Silva (27 years old). Both men were treated at the Trauma Hospital. Children and adults suffered from burns from the fires as well.

At the time, deputy Frei Anastácio asked Paraíba Police Superintendent Dr. João Alves to designate a group of police officers to visit the land and investigate what had happened. Military police, civil police, special delegation Magalhães, and scientific examiners were sent to the land. The police officers surveyed the damage, and while they were still there, the hired men attacked the settlement yet again. The police followed them and were able to catch the landowner, Marcos Napoleão, adminsitrator Jivago Hiure Quirino Henrique and three of the hired men. They were immediately jailed in João Pessoa, photographed and interviewed for the investigation, but then released the next day.

Currently, the workers are living without identification because many of them lost their voter registration documents, birth certificates, and marriage certificates in the fires. The children at the settlement cannot attend the regional schools because they lack the proper documents for registration, as do their parents. This situation has been communicated many times to the state government's Secretary of Justice. The workers seek to regain their honor and dignity; they have waited for weeks to meet with local authorities concerning these matters, a meeting that has still not taken place.

This is yet another grave act of violence against rural workers in our state of Paraíba. We have denounced many times the irresponsibility of public agencies, judicial powers, and the civil and military police, for permitting numerous acts of violence by landowners and their hired men against families in Paraíba, who fight for a better life and for their rights. Many demonstrations, public forums, and printed accusations have already taken place surrounding the threats, attacks, tortures, assassinations, and destruction of homes and farms carried out by hired men and police officers from our state against poor families from our communities.

Not even the work of the Legislative Assembly's Parliamentary Commission of Investigation, a group that investigates accusations of rural violence and private militias in the state of Paraíba has resulted in the protection of landless workers. Written reports rich with information have not moved the authorities to take action to stop, prohibit, and dismantle groups of hired gunmen in the state.

The large landholders of Paraíba and their protectors in public agencies are embarrassing our country. Numerous foreign delegations representing prestigious international entities have visited the areas of conflict in our state and have witnessed and denounced the horrors of the violence and the disrespect of human rights in Paraíba. The most serious cases have already been encountered by the UN's Commission on Human Rights and Interamerican Commission on Human Rights.

The federal and state Public Administrations, INCRA, INTERPA, the Paraíba Secretary of Public Security and those responsible for their operations must be held responsible for the incompetence, delays, and inefficiency of dealing with rural conflicts in our region. Their responses have lacked the respect and dignity that each citizen deserves; such disastrous practices culminate in fatal events such as what we report today.

SEND EMAILS TO THE PARAÍBA STATE GOVENOR

Send emails in protest to the Paraíba state governor, Cássio Cunha Lim, to demand that he take necessary actions against these assassinations, those responsible for them, and the hired gunmen carrying out such orders.

Governor's email: governador@pb.gov.br

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (54)

Massacre at Carajás

FROM: Human Rights Sector, National Secretariat MST, São Paulo
DATE: April 7, 2003 SUBJECT: Massacre at Carajás, April 17, 1996-2003, seven years of  impunity!

Dear Friends,

Today, April 17, 2003 is International Day of Peasant Struggle. Today also marks the 7th year in which no one has been held accountable for the Massacre at Carajás. Please act now in solidarity with mobilized farmers movements throughout the world.

HISTORY

Late on the afternoon of April 17, 1996, the Military Police of [the state of] Pará, commanded by Colonel Mário Colares Pantoja, killed 19 landless agricultural workers and seriously wounded 69 others, who to this day are no longer able to work in agriculture as a result of their injuries. The massacre took place in the municipality of Eldorado do Carajás at a location known as the 'S' curve. Several months later, two other workers died of their wounds.

The Governor of the state of Pará was Almir Gabriel and the President of the Republic was the Fernando Enrique Cardoso. The Secretary of Public Security was Pablo Sette Câmara. The Governor and the Secretary of Security were acquitted by the Superior Court of Justice.

The police inquest conducted by the Civil Police did not reach the point of determining the identities of those who shot and killed the workers. That being the case, the public prosecutor's office decided to process all the policemen who were there the day of the slaughter [142 men including soldiers and officers].

A court judgement was reached [more than four years later] in August 2000. Judge Ronaldo Valle acquitted all the accused after asking jurors if the proof presented was insufficient for conviction; the majority of the jury agreed. Several days later it was discovered that at least one of the jurors had unusually extensive contact with the police and had been corrupted.

The jury's decision was annulled and judge Ronaldo Valle was removed  from the case.

A new trial was scheduled. But, before beginning legal proceedings, the appointed judge, Dr. Eva Coelho do Amaral, tried to disallow the prinicpal evidence of the accusation: a technical finding by UNICAMP (University of Campinas) that there was scientific proof that the Military Police and others had shot to kill.

MST lawyers fought a judicial battle against the judge's ruling, and in the end, demonstrated that the UNICAMP findings were valid and should be part of the trial. The judge came under suspicion and was removed from the case. The state court of Pará, pressured, but undeterred, by public opinion, appointed a new judge, Dr. Roberto Moura, who took over the case on May 10, 2002. Strangely, just after receiving a case whose documents totaled 14 volumes of hundreds of pages each, Moura scheduled the trial to begin three days later on May 13, 2002. The customary prejudice of the proceeding was evident. The MST lawyers removed themselves from the case and did not follow the trial.

The trial ran its short course. In one session alone, the cases involving the actions of 127 policemen were determined at the same time. In Brazil, when the judicial process conducts a legal examination, it is on a case by case basis. In any case, it was impossible for the prosecution to present evidence against all the accused in a single session, because the prosecutor and his assistants had only three hours to present evidence against each defendant, which could only be done one at a time. The policemen were acquitted due to the failure to produce evidence.

In three sessions of the Court, the cases of all 142 policemen, soldiers and officers involved were judged. Only two commanders were found guilty and they remain free pending appeal. The lawyers of the convicted commanders entered a petition to annul sentencing, arguing that if the executioners of 19 workers were innocent how could their commanders be guilty? If what the police and soldiers did was not illegal, then how could those who gave them orders be condemned for ordering an action that is not illegal?

The Public Prosecutor also presented an appeal to the Court of Justice to annul the decision of the court, denouncing the nonsensical procedures in the trial, claiming that the judgment, even if rendered by a jury, contradicted the legal documents filed in the case.

If the Court of Justice of the State of Pará annuls the judgment, it is certain that the lawyers of the MST will return to support a new trial. If the Court of Justice does not annul the judgment that acquitted the police, it will be definitively discredited before the people. Another possibility still remains: to appeal to the Superior Court of Justice.

More news: This week the Federal Public Prosecutor filed a separate case against one of the two officers who had been convicted of the massacre. He is accused with corruption. It seems that he is involved in money laundering for Vale do Rio Doce.

[Companhia Vale do Rio Doce is the parent company of one of Brazil's leading industrial complexes. Its profits are regularly the highest among non-state-owned Brazilian companies in any economic sector. It is the largest holder of mineral rights in Brazil as well as the world's largest producer and exporter of iron ore. Its umbrella of activities encompasses steel, pulp production, gas and oil production, railroads, ports and domestic and international maritime shipping. Current joint ventures with U.S., Colombian, Italian, Spanish, Japanese, and Korean partners are instrumental to its international strategy.]

WHAT CAN BE DONE? The only solution for ending impunity in the Massacre at Carajás and other cases of murder of agricultural workers is the transference of all crimes against human rights into the sphere of the Federal Justice system, for both verification and judgment.

For all cases new, pending and adjudicated, transfer to the Federal Justice system depends on speeding up the Brazilian Congress' approval of a law of judicial reform, which, due to its complexity, has been more than 10 years in the making. The new government, according to its own declarations, has little interest in advancing it in its present form.

A second alternative would be for either the government or its executive to take the initiative to edit a Provisional Remedy for the transference of human rights cases.

For this, we must send letters, telegrams, faxes and electronic messages to the National Secretary of Human Rights, Dr. Nilmário Miranda, requesting persistence in this course of transferring crimes against human rights to the Federal Justice system. In general, this will free these cases from the influence of the economic powers and political influence of the large estate owners of Brazil.

The National Secretary of Human Rights has status as a special office tied directly to the President of the Republic. Send communications to:

Dr. Nilmario Miranda Secretaria Especial dos Direitos Humanos Esplanada dos Ministério -- Bloco T -- 4º andar -- sala 418 CEP 70064-900 -- Brasília -- DF -- Brasil Fax: 011 55 61 226 2971 (from the US) E-mail: mario.mamede@mj.gov.br

We are thankful for your solidarity and support in bringing an end to impunity in Brazil, and in seeking justice in the case of the Massacre at Carajás.

--  Human Rights Sector, National Secretariat MST

SAMPLE LETTER (feel free to use or write your own)

Dear Hon. Miranda,

I am writing to you today with grave concern for the ongoing impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of the Massacre at Eldorado dos Carajas seven years ago. Understanding your deep commitment to justice and human rights, I am writing to urge you to demand that those responsible are held accountable for the 1996 Massacre at Carajas in a full and fair trial, with an unbiased judge and jury. I am also writing to request that all crimes against human rights be transferred for consideration by the Federal Justice System.

I urge that the new administration end the ongoing and intentional intimidation of Brazilian agricultural workers so that they may continue to struggle for a more just society. The efforts of courageous people of Brazil who are constructing an example of justice and equality does not go unnoticed.

I appreciate your urgent attention to the matters discussed above.

Sincerely,

<sign>


MASSACRE DE CARAJÁS
17 DE ABRIL - 7 DE IMPUNIDADE

No dia 17 de abril de 2003 completará 7 anos que aconteceu o massacre  de carajás e ninguém foi punido.

HISTÓRICO

No final da tarde do dia 17 de abril de 1996, na curva do "S", município de Eldorado do Carajás, sul do Pará, a Polícia Militar, comandada pelo coronel Mário Colares Pantoja, matou 19 trabalhadores rurais sem terra e feriu gravemente outros 69. Depois de alguns meses, outros 2 lavradores faleceram em razão dos ferimentos.

O Governador do estado do Pará era o Almir Gabriel e o Presidente da República era o Fernando Henrique Cardoso. O Secretário de Segurança Pública era o Paulo Sette Câmara. O Governador e o Secretário de Segurança foram inocentados pelo Superior Tribunal de Justiça -- STJ.

O inquérito policial foi feito pela polícia civil e não conseguiram apontar quem foi que atirou e matou os lavradores. Então, o ministério público decidiu processar todos os policiais que estavam lá no dia do massacre. Foi realizado um julgamento em agosto de 2000. O juiz Ronaldo Valle, absolveu todos os acsusados porque perguntou aos jurados se as provas eram insuficientes para a condenação e os jurados disseram que sim.

O julgamento foi anulado e o juiz Ronaldo Valle foi afastado do caso.

Foi realizado novo julgamento. Mas, antes de realizar o julgamento, tinha uma juíza chamada Eva Coelho do Amaral, que tentou retirar do processo a principal prova da acusação. Era um laudo técnico da UNICAMP (Universidade de Campinas) onde estava demonstrado que os policiais atiraram para matar.

Os advogados do MST travaram uma batalha contra a juíza, e ao final, ela saiu e o laudo foi colocado no processo. O problema é que o juiz que entrou, Roberto Moura, assumiu o processo no dia 10 de maio de 2002, e no dia 13 de maio de 2002, iniciou o julgamento. Na primeira sessão foram julgados 127 policiais.

Ora, é impossível a acusação apresentar provas contra tantos acusados em uma única sessão, porque o promotor de justiça e os advogados assistentes têm apenas 3 horas para acusar, e não dá para apresentar provas contra tantos acusados de uma única vez. E os policiais foram absolvidos por falta de provas.

Ao todo foram julgados 142 policiais, entre soldados e oficiais. Apenas dois comandantes foram condenados e estão em liberdade aguardando o julgamento da apelação.

Hoje estamos aguardando o julgamento da apelação que o Ministério Píublico apresentou contra a absolvição. Se o Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Pará anular o julgamento, certamente os advogados do MST poderão voltar para o processo e ajudar o promotor de justiça no novo julgamento. Se o Tribunal de Justiça não anular o julgamento onde os policiais foram absolvidos, estará definitivamente desacreditada perante o povo.

O QUE FAZER

A única solução para acabar com a impunidade no massacre de carajás e nos outros casos de assassinatos de trabalhadores rurais é a transferência para a Justiça Federal da apuração e processo contra os direitos humanos. Devemos desenvolver uma campanha nacional e internacional exigindo ao Governo Federal que inicie imediatamente um trabalho de convencimento no Congresso Nacional para aprovar uma emenda constitucional para transferir a competência para a Justiça Federal processar os acusados de crimes contra os direitos humanos.

Enviar cartas, telegramas, fax, mensagens eletrônicas para o Secretário Nacional de Direitos Humanos, NILMÁRIO MIRANDA, solicitando empenho e política efetiva contra a impunidade.

NILMÁRIO MIRANDA Secretaria Especial dos Direitos Humanos Esplanada dos Ministério -- Bloco T -- 4º andar -- sala 418 CEP 70064-900 -- Brasília -- DF -- Brasil Fax 55 61 226 2971 -- endereço eletrônico mario.mamede@mj.gov.br

CARTA:

Estimado Senhor Miranda,

Estou escrevendo para expressar a minha preocupacao com a impunidade que estao sendo tratados os responsaveis pelo Massacre em Eldorado dos Carajas, ha sete anos atras. Reconhecendo seu profundo compromisso com a justica e os direitos humanos, escrevo para pedir que os responsaveis sejam julgados pelo Massacre em Carajas, em 1996, em um julgamento completo e justo, onde o juiz e o juri sao escolhidos imparcialmente.

Estou, tambem, pedindo que todos os crimes contra os direitos humanos  sejam transferidos pelo Sistema Feredal da Justica.

Espero que a nova admistracao Brasileira ponha um fim na intimidacao sofrida pelos trabalhadores agriculturais, para que esses possam continuar lutando por uma sociedade mais justa. Os esforcos corajosos dos Brasileiros, que estao construindo um exemplo de justica e igualdade, nao passam despercebidos.

Agradeco a sua atencao para com os assuntos tratados acima.

Atenciosamente,

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (0)

MST Activists Continue to Be Victims of Political Persecution in the State of São Paulo

June 7, 2002

The MST is enduring a process of "criminalization," their political activities defined as "criminal," with resulting violation of their human rights such as their freedoms of movement and expression and the inviolability of their homes.  These activities are supported by the governor of the state of São Paulo, who does nothing to impede police violations of the universal rights of the landless rural workers. In fact, the governor continues to privilege the desires of the large farmers and land defrauders in the Pontal do Paranapanema.

A Short History of the Pontal

The Pontal do Paranapanema (in the extreme west of São Paulo state) is the second poorest region in the state.  The agricultural structure of the area is based on latifúndios (large plantations) and on lands owned by the State, used for pastures by ranchers.

The Pontal do Paranapanema always was a region of great conflict owing to the large expanse of land legally owned by the state that is in the hands of the landowners-defrauders. (Translator's notes: Enormous portions of the western part of São Paulo state, like many other agricultural regions of Brazil, are held by wealthy families through fraudulent land documents and the winking complicity of generations of powerful friends in successive Brazilian governments. Brazilians call fraudulent landowners "grileiros," taken the name from the crickets, "grilos," that they formerly placed in a box with forged documents to make them later look aged and insect eaten.)   

The latifúndios, responsible for the backwardness of the region have always acted boldly and harshly against any challenge.  In the disorganized beginning or action in the area, supported with fraudulent land titles, the plantation owners defended their supposed "properties" by violently expelling workers.  Today, they are "more organized" and contract with armed militias, reinforcing their firepower and sponsoring the persecution and imprisonment of the landless rural workers.

The MST began to organize in the region in 1990.  Since then, the organization has denounced and fought against the barbarities committed by the owners of the latifúndios who have the complicity of the local judicial powers.

All of this conflict has a single cause: a lack of will and the avoidance of responsibility by the state government.  In the Pontal, there are 1,200,000 hectares of legally forfeited agricultural land. It would be enough if the state simply did its duty, completing the obligatory distribution of this property to landless families camped in the region.

In spite of all the persecution, the workers have raised the banner of Agrarian Reform and have successfully conquered diverse areas.  Today, more than 6,000 families are settled in the region - around 20,000 people - as a result of agrarian reform.  There are still around 1300 families in encampments in the Pontal, struggling for the creation of additional settlements.

In the last few months, the persecution of rural workers has grown more intense.  The large landowners, allied with the local judiciary, maintain an intense legal offensive aimed at rendering the rural workers and their leaders classified as "criminal."  It is not a crime to struggle for land and for life.  It is a crime to maintain the plantation system that generates unemployment, marginalization, hunger, misery, and a social-economic crisis.  Brazilian society clearly understands the struggle for Agrarian Reform and supports the social movements organized to work for a dignified life for all Brazilians. Therefore, Agrarian Reform cannot be stopped by prisons; it can only be resolved by a serious political project of settlement of landless farmers.

When the Local Judiciary is at the Service of the Plantation Owners

The judiciary of the Pontal, with rare exceptions, always acts on behalf of the plantation owners and land defrauders of the region because they also use the lands of the State to fatten their own cattle.  The persecution unleashed by the judicial authorities is related to the direct links with the great land defrauders.   

Justice can be swift in the Pontal when it comes to persecuting and violating the  human rights of landless rural workers:

On May 23, the Delegate of Euclides da Cunha Paulista imprisoned eight workers encamped with the MST.  On the same day that the prosecutor requested their imprisonment, the judge issued a decree, and the police apprehended them.  All of this happened in less than 24 hours.  The justification for imprisonment is that these workers were impeding ITESP (the Land Institute of São Paulo State) from founding a settlement due to a dispute between the MST and another social movement, MAST.   Those imprisoned are accused of having, in the process of this dispute with MAST, violated laws against the formation of a criminal gang or band, the illegal use of force, larceny and injury, and, in addition, undermining the preservation of public order through their actions.  In this investigation, according to the police, there are 70 other encamped members of the MST that might be imprisoned at any moment in order to give testimony.

The prosecutor, in another legal proceeding, carried out the preventative imprisonment of five persons for, supposedly, being of the regional coordinating body of the MST and thereby putting at risk the public order.  The prosecutor demanded prison for those who, in the name of the MST, met with ITESP to discuss the other problems in this area.

The lawyer for the MST testified that the orders of arrest were obtained in a secretive manner, without filing appropriately in the registry.  The judge sent the arrest warrants in a sealed envelope to the Captain of the Military Police of Teodoro Sampaio (a city in the Pontal region), planning the arrest of José (Zé) Rainha and Sérgio Pantaleão for May 24.  The date was set because both men were to testify in Teodoro Sampaio against the landowner that had tried to kill José Rainha in January of this year.  Therefore, the arrest warrant had two objectives: it was an attempt both to capture him and to prevent him from producing evidence against the landowner.  They successfully accomplished only one of these two objectives: Zé Rainha and Sérgio are both still free.

On May 28, the Military Police encircled the nascent settlement of the Santa Maria plantation in Marabá Paulista, São Paulo.  Police entered all of the workers' shacks without judicial authorization, creating a climate of terror among the families gathered in this camp that is a prelude to a full-fledged settlement.   

The Brazilian Supreme Court Overturns the Liberty of MST Militants in São  Paulo

The Brazilian Supreme Court (the Superior Tribunal de Justiça) on Friday refused to grant a preliminary injunction of habeas corpus sought by the 13 militants of the MST in the region of the Pontal do Parapanema.  Six of these leaders are already in jail and the other seven have arrest warrants issued.  They will have to wait a month for the merits of the habeas corpus case to be heard and judged.

Around 100 women and children camped in the region of the Pontal initiated a vigil on the morning of June 6 next to the Fórum of Teodoro Sampaio, a landmark of state authority in the region.  The encampment will remain in the city for an undetermined period.

On June 15, a demonstration will be held in Teodoro Sampaio calling for liberty for the movement's imprisoned representatives and for an end to persecution in the Pontal.

Call for Action

These events demonstrate that the MST is living through a process of criminalization, where exercising protected forms of political action brings retaliation by the state, and members' human rights are violated.  For this reason, we are holding a campaign for liberty and for an end to persecution of rural workers in the region. We ask those who believe in the struggle for Agrarian Reform, please, send a message to the authorities listed below asking for a promise to aid in the settlement of landless rural workers and an end to the political repression of the leaders of the MST.

Governor of the State of São Paulo - Sr. Geraldo Alckimin
Av. Morumbi, 4500
CEP 06598-900
São Paulo, SP   Brasil
FAX: 011 55 (11) 3745-3301 (from the US)
E-mail: saopaulo@sp.gov.br

Secretary of Justice and the Defense of Citizenship - Dr. Alexandre de Moraes
Pátio do Colégio, 148 - 1o andar
CEP 01016-040
São Paulo, SP  Brasil
FAX: 011 55 (11) 3107-8243 (from the US)
E-mail: justica@justica.sp.gov.br

"Liberty for those who struggle for Agrarian Reform!"

News Brief

MST Makes Public Denouncement of Government Failure to Carry Out Land  Reform in Ceará

On June 7th, the MST made a public denouncement of the Federal and Ceará state government's lack of action towards agrarian reform, after marching from an encampment on Avenida José Bastos, in Fortaleza, to the Praça do Ferreira.  Following the public denouncement, the marchers continued to the Central Post Office to mail envelopes filled with sand to the Minister of Agrarian Reform, José Abrão.  The sand symbolized the ongoing situation of extreme land concentration in Brazil.  The MST also protested the policies of the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, which have relied on propaganda rather than concrete action towards solving Brazil's agrarian problems.  On the same day, a mass was celebrated in the 12- day encampment located in front of the National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INCRA).

Deputies find only forest in area where government says it settled 280 families On April 25th, 11 deputies of Brazil's Worker's Party (PT) visited a 2,142 hectare site in the Federal District. According to the data provided by the government's Agrarian Reform Agency, INCRA, the site should have been settled by 280 families. However, the visitors found only forest and secondary vegetation. Where the government asserted that a phase-two settlement was located (with basic infrastructure), no roads, energy, or water system were found.

Supreme Court Denies Freedom of MST Activists in São Paulo The Superior Court of Justice (STJ) today denied the habeas corpus plea of 13 MST activists in the Pontal of Paranapanema region (SP). Six people are imprisoned and seven others are in custody. Anytime from now until a month from now will the merit of the habeas corpus plea be judged. About 100 women and children camped in the region of the Pontal started off the morning of  June 6th with a vigil next to the Fórum de Teodoro Sampaio. They have mounted an encampment that will remain in the city for an undetermined amount of time.

 

From: MST Human Rights Sector/São Paulo

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MST Informa
Ano I - n� 16
sexta-feira, 7 de junho de 2002 

Militantes do MST continuam sendo vítimas de perseguição política em São  Paulo

Setor de Direitos Humanos - MST/SP

O MST está vivendo um processo de criminalização com violação de direitos humanos, como a liberdade de locomoção, domicílio e liberdade de expressão. Tudo isso patrocinado pelo Governo do Estado de São Paulo, que nada faz para impedir a polícia na violação dos direitos universais dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra e assim, continua prevalecendo a vontade dos latifundiário/grileiros do Pontal do Paranapanema.

Pequeno histórico do Pontal

O Pontal do Paranapanema (extremo oeste de São Paulo) é a segunda região mais pobre do Estado. A estrutura fundiária está baseada em latifúndios e em terras pertencentes ao Estado, utilizadas para pastos.

Os latifundiários, responsáveis pelo atraso na região sempre agiram com truculência. No início desorganizados, amparados por títulos falsos, defendiam suas supostas propriedades expulsando os trabalhadores de forma violenta. Hoje, "mais organizados", contratam milícias armadas, reforçam seu poder de fogo e patrocinam a perseguição e a prisão dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra.

O MST começou a se organizar na região a partir de 1990. Desde então, vem denunciando e lutando contra as barbáries cometidas pelos latifundiários que têm a conivência do Poder Judiciário local.

Todos esses conflitos têm uma única causa: a falta de vontade e responsabilidade política do Governo do Estado. No Pontal existem 1 milhão e 200 mil hectares de terras devolutas. Basta que o Estado cumpra seu papel, fazendo a devida distribuição às famílias acampadas.

Apesar de toda perseguição, os trabalhadores ergueram a bandeira da Reforma Agrária e conquistaram diversas áreas. Hoje são mais de seis mil famílias assentadas - cerca de 20 mil pessoas. E ainda existem no Pontal cerca de 1300 famílias acampadas, lutando pela realização dos assentamentos.

Quando o poder judiciário local está a serviço do latifúndio O Poder Judiciário do Pontal, salvo raras exceções, sempre agiu em conivência com os latifundiários-grileiros da região porque também usam as terras que são do Estado para engordar bois. Mas, a perseguição desencadeada pelas autoridades judiciárias se deve às estreitas ligações com os grandes grileiros. A justiça pode ser muito ágil no Pontal quando se trata de perseguir e violar os direitos humanos dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra: 1. Em 23 de maio, o Delegado de Euclides da Cunha Paulista, representa pela prisão de oito trabalhadores acampados do MST. No mesmo dia, o promotor requer a prisão, o juiz decreta e a polícia prende. Tudo em menos de 24 horas. O fundamento da prisão é que estes trabalhadores estariam impedindo o Itesp (Instituto de Terras de São Paulo) de realizar o assentamento em virtude de disputa com outro movimento social, o "MAST", cometendo com isso os delitos de formação de bando e quadrilha, constrangimento ilegal, furto e dano, além do que, com essa conduta, estaria quebrada a manutenção da ordem pública. Neste inquérito, segundo o delegado, há 70 acampados identificados do MST que a qualquer momento podem ser presos ao prestarem depoimento. 2. Por este fato o promotor de justiça, em outro processo, representou pela prisão preventiva de cinco pessoas por, supostamente, serem da coordenação regional do MST e estarem colocando em risco a ordem pública. O promotor requereu a prisão daqueles que, em nome do MST, se reuniram com o ITESP para discutir o problema da mencionada área. 3. O advogado do MST constatou que os pedidos de prisão foram elaborados de maneira sigilosa, sem autuação em cartório. O juiz enviou os pedidos em envelope lacrado ao Capitão da Polícia Militar de Teodoro Sampaio programando a prisão de José Rainha e Sérgio Pantaleão para 24 de maio porque neste dia eles iriam prestar depoimento no Fórum de Teodoro Sampaio contra o fazendeiro que tentou matar o José Rainha no mês de janeiro deste ano. Portanto, o decreto de prisão teve dois objetivos: tentar prendê-los e evitar que fosse produzida prova contra o fazendeiro. Atingiram apenas um dos objetivos. Zé Rainha e o Sérgio ainda estão em liberdade. 4. Em 28 de maio, a PM cercou o pré-assentamento da fazenda Santa Maria, em Marabá Paulista/SP, e entrou em todos os barracos sem autorização judicial, causando clima de terror nas famílias do pré-assentamento.

Solidarize-se

Por favor, envie uma mensagem as autoridades abaixo listadas solicitando empenho no assentamento dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra e o fim da repressão política contra as lideranças do MST em São Paulo Governador do Estado de São Paulo - Sr. Geraldo Alckimin Av. Morumbi, 4500 - CEP 06598-900 - São Paulo - SP - Brasil FAX (11) 3745-3301

Secretário de Justiça e Defesa da Cidadania - Dr. Alexandre de Moraes Pátio do Colégio, 148 - 1� andar - CEP 01016-040 - São Paulo - SP - Brasil FAX (11) 3107-8243 

Breves

STJ nega liberdade aos militantes do MST em São Paulo

O Superior Tribunal de Justiça negou hoje a liminar do pedido de habeas corpus aos 13 militantes do MST da região do Pontal do Paranapanema (SP). Seis companheiros estão presos e outros sete estão com a prisão preventiva decretada. Somente daqui a um mês é que será julgado o mérito do habeas corpus. Cerca de 100 mulheres e crianças acampadas na região do Pontal iniciaram na manhã de 6 de junho uma vigília próximo ao Fórum de Teodoro Sampaio. As companheiras montaram um acampamento que permanecerá na cidade por tempo indeterminado.

MST realiza ato público em 7 de junho no Ceará

O MST realiza um ato público de denúncia pela falta de ação dos governos Federal e Estadual do Ceará quanto à Reforma Agrária. @s trabalhador@s rurais marcham do acampamento montado na Avenida José Bastos, em Fortaleza, para realizar ato na Praça do Ferreira. Após a realização do ato, os manifestantes seguem até à agência central dos Correios para enviar envelopes com areia ao Ministro da Reforma Agrária, José Abrão. A areia simboliza a terra que continua concentrada no País. O objetivo também é protestar contra a política do Ministério que tem usado muita propaganda e quase nada tem feito no sentido de resolver o problema agrário brasileiro. Neste mesmo dia será celebrada uma missa no acampamento montado em frente ao Incra há 12 dias.

Deputados encontram mato em área que governo diz ter assentado 280 famílias

Em 25 de abril, 11 deputados do PT visitaram uma área de 2.142 hectares no Distrito Federal. De acordo com os números da Reforma Agrária do governo federal, deveriam estar assentadas 280 famílias. Tudo o que encontraram, no entanto, foi muito mato e resquícios de cerrado. Onde o balanço do governo afirma que há um assentamento na fase dois (com infra-estrutura básica) não há estradas, energia ou água.

Opine    www.mst.org.br    Español    English

 

MST Informa é uma publicação quinzenal do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, enviado apenas por correio eletronico, com análises da luta pela Reforma Agrária e do MST. Se tiver sugestões de temas, artigos, formato, por favor nos envie. * Caso queira incluir outros amigos no cadastro ou não deseje mais recebê-lo, escreva-nos. letraviva@mst.org.br

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (0)

National Campaign Against the Concession of the Alcântara Base to the U.S. Government

Please read the below Campaign announcement and ACT, especially those of us based in the United States - as our government is moving to use this base in Brazil for hemispheric dominance.

I. Brief History of the Base: Alcântara Rocket Launch Center (CLA)

1. In 1982 the Brazilian government created the launch site in the municipality of Alcântara and expropriated an area of 52,000 hectares. Five hundred families were affected, the majority descendents of escaped slave communities who lived on fishing and subsistence agriculture. Those families were moved to seven villages and granted 15-hectare lots, far from fishing access. In 1990, the Collor government increased the size of the base by expropriating an additional 10,000 hectares, giving the CLA a total of 62,000 hectares.

2. In October 2000, the Cardoso government signed an agreement with the U.S. government to cede the base or, in other words, the 62,000 hectares of land. Under the accord, the United States would control the area and Brazilian authorities would not even be able to monitor it. In practice, the CLA would be a U.S. military base.

3. Analysts warn that the real objective of the U.S. government is not just to launch rockets, but to use nuclear warheads, as a way to maintain military control of the Amazon. The geopolitical strategy of the United States in the Amazon region already includes military bases in Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia, which can benefit from intelligence provided by the Amazon Intelligence System, or SIVAM, which was set up by U.S. corporations. Consequently, what is at stake is the sovereignty of the Amazon and the control of its riches, its biodiversity and water resources.

II. Principal Demands of Base-Area People

The population that is being affected by this policy has organized the Movements of those Affected by the Base (MAB). Its principal demands are:

1. That the families living in the affected region be identified and their needs  accessed.

2. That no more families be relocated, especially the 210 that are currently threatened by the 10,000 hectare expansion of the base.

3. That the families be given the right to work the lands within the original 52,000 hectares, even if access has to be granted through concession.

4. That legalization of those landholdings within the CLA be guaranteed, since they were part of former escaped slave communities.

5. That the families be guaranteed education for their adolescent children, technical assistance, and training and resources in order to develop agricultural production on their land.

6. That a social fund be created, equal to 15% of each space rocket launch. Of this money, 5% would be for the mayor's office and 10% for the relocated communities.

7. That the Brazilian government not concede the base to the United States.

III. Current Situation of the Agreement between the Brazilian and U.S. Governments

1. By the Brazilian Constitution, all international agreements must be approved by Congress. The Brazilian government has sent the agreement to Congress for approval.

2. In 2001, the agreement was evaluated by the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Chamber of Deputies. The member reporting on the agreement, PT Deputy Waldir Pires of the state of Bahia, produced a document, approved by consensus, which rejected it and proposed changes that would guarantee Brazilian sovereignty over the area.

3. The accord was then evaluated by the Committee on Science and Technology. The member in charge of reporting on the agreement, PFL Deputy José Rocha of Pará, produced an evaluation in favor of the original agreement. That document was approved by the Committee.

4. In March 2002, the agreement was sent to the Committee on the Constitution and Justice, where PSDB Deputy Zenaldo Coutinho of Pará drafted a report. The deputy must now produce a new report, which will be voted on by the Committee.

5. After that, the Committee report will be voted on by the full Chamber, where the deputies generally follow the lead of the committees. This should occur within the next few weeks.

IV. National Campaign Against the Agreement

It is necessary to block this agreement, because its approval would allow the U.S. government to assume control over the entire base area of 62,000 hectares, with serious consequences for local communities and national sovereignty.

Please send messages demanding that Deputy Zenaldo Coutinho, like Waldir  Pires, reject the agreement.

Write NOW to:

Deputado Zenaldo Coutinho dep.zenaldocoutinho@camara.gov.br
Fax: 011 55 61 318 2266 (from the United States)

Mailing address:

Camara dos Deputados, Anexo 3
70000 Brasília, DF, Brasil

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (0)

MST Calls on International Community

 

An invitation to all the friends of the MST outside Brazil to mobilize and join us the week of April 8 to 11 in the city of belém to attend the trial of those accused in the Massacre of Eldorado Dos Carajás.

March 11, 2002

Dear Foreign Friends,

1. As you must already know, the trial of those officials who took part in the massacre of Carajás will take place starting April 8th, 2002. The trial will be held in the auditorium of the Justice Tribunal of Pará state, in the city of Belém. Judge Eva Coelho will preside over the trial, which will be organized in three large sessions. The first session will begin on April 8, when the four main commanders of the operation will be tried. Each session will last four days. The second session will begin on April 15, to try 17 officials of lower rank. On April 22, the trial of the 129 soldiers who were involved in the operation will begin.

2. The trial of the massacre of Eldorado dos Carajás has been manipulated by the ruling classes, who have used various tricks to avoid punishing those responsible for the death of the 19 rural workers. In our view, the massacre was premeditated and planned, with the objective of punishing the workers who struggle for land reform. The Military Police were directed by the governor of the state, Dr. Almir Gabriel, who still holds office. The Secret Service of the Military Police, headquartered in Marabá, directed the actions of the Military Police that were carried out on April 17, 1996, to open up the highway occupied by more than 600 landless worker families. The Military Police left their quarters without identification on their uniforms and without individual registration of the arms they carried. Instead of opening up the highway, the Military Police blocked the passage with troops who arrived shooting and using tear gas bombs on both sides of the road, surrounding the landless worker families, who began running. The balance was19 workers dead and hundreds wounded, 64 of whom will have life-long consequences. Among the dead, 13 were executed point-blank after being captured and immobilized. One of the MST leaders in that region, Oziel, only 18 years old, was captured and tortured in front of his comrades and afterwards beaten to death. During the torture, the police demanded that he shout "Long Live the MST"! All these facts are in the official findings. In the following years, two more landless workers died as a result of their wounds.

3. Almost seven years have passed and until today, no one has been imprisoned or sentenced for the massacre. In general, an accusation of murder will go to trial the same year. Of the judges in the Tribunal with criminal jurisdiction in Belém, only Dr. Eva Coelho accepted the mission of overseeing the trial of the massacre. The other judges recused themselves from this task. Why? In 1999, the first trial of the massacre took place, but the manipulations of the coordinating judge were so extensive that the jury ended up finding the officials innocent. The MST lawyers withdrew from the trial in protest and the trial was suspended. The Judiciary Power later annulled that trial.

4. So many years have passed that the ruling classes of the state of Pará (basically made up of the cattle barons and a layer of bureaucrats that always enrich themselves with public money, as was shown in the proceedings that led to the resignation of ex-governor and ex-senator Jader Barbalho) are working with the perspective that public opinion has forgotten and the persecution of the MST continues.

5. Six years after the massacre, the new trial was scheduled. But the scenario that they are presenting seems to repeat the farce of the previous trial with the objective of acquitting those responsible, as we can see from the following:

a) Those responsible for the command of the action were Governor Almir Gabriel and his Secretary of Security, who continue in their jobs and who were excluded from the trial.

b) The Federal Government had promised quick approval, using its legislative base, of a law that was going through Congress that would transfer the trials of crimes against human rights to federal jurisdiction. This project has been held up for three years in the Senate.

c) Former judge Otavio Maciel, who prepared the case for trial, in which there are various weaknesses such as the exclusion of the Governor and the Secretary of Security, is retiring and has become the spokesman for the Tribunal to the press. He used this job to take on the MST with statements to the press, clearly going on the attack against the MST.

d) Judge Eva Coelho, who is responsible for the trial and who will preside over the Tribunal, postponed the date of the trial on two occasions, alleging that the prosecuting attorneys had identified irregularities. e) Although there was a technical opinion by experts from the University of Campinas about the videotape that proved the use of rifles by the Military Police at the beginning of the massacre, the Judge did not put this finding into the official documents. This proof is basic because the defense of the military police is based on the idea that the landless workers were armed and initiated the shooting. The expert testimony from the University of Campinas refutes this argument.

f) The members of the jury were chosen in December 2001. There are 21 people, of whom seven will be chosen on the day of the trial. The strange thing is that all are civil servants, the majority of them state employees and some in responsible positions. The municipal and federal employees are in a minority and there are no other representatives of other sectors of society.

g) The defense attorneys for the police prevented the Governor and the Secretary of Security from testifying during the trial.

h) The Prosecuting Attorney did not enlist any testimony from those workers who were present on the day of the massacre. Even the journalists who filmed the massacre are not obliged to testify, just as they did not appear during the first trial.

6. For these reasons, it is evident that the farce being presented for the trial must result in the acquittal of those responsible for the tragedy. The local judicial power is taking advantage of the electoral climate to produce a result favorable to the killers.

7. Thus the only way to try to prevent this farce will be the presence of foreign journalists and of leaders and members of human rights organizations who can denounce the bias of the trial.

WE INVITE ALL FRIENDS FROM OUTSIDE BRAZIL TO MOBILIZE AND BE WITH US THE WEEK OF APRIL 8 TO 11,2002 IN THE CITY OF BEL�M, TO ATTEND THE TRIAL OF THOSE ACCUSED IN THE MASSACRE OF ELDORADO DOS CARAJ�S.

8. If there is any need for a letter or a formal invitation to make the visit possible, or if you wish recommendations for lodging, please contact us.

Signed:

Human Rights Collective/MST [Coletivo de Direitos Humanos/MST]
National Popular Lawyers Network/RENAAP [Rede Nacional de Advogados e
Advogadas Populares-RENAAP]
Pastoral Land Commission/CPT [Comissão pastoral da Terra]
Social Network for Justice and Human Rights [Rede Social de Direitos humanos]

São Paulo/Belém


Please Write Letters In Any Language In Favor Of Justice In The Case Of The Carajas Massacre Trial.

 

    Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso
    Palácio do planalto
    pr@planalto.gov.br

    Juíza Dra. Eva Coelho
    Tribunal de Justiga do para
    ecoelho@tje.pa.gov.br

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (0)

Media Clash in Brazil: MST and the Media Democracy Movement

By Norman Solomon
Nov 17, 2003

RIO DE JANEIRO -- After a quarter-century of intensive grassroots organizing and a victorious presidential campaign a year ago, Brazilian social movements are in a strong position as they push the left-wing Workers Party government to fulfill its promises. The contrast to Washington's current political climate is as diametrical as the opposite seasons of the two countries. Yet Brazilian activists are now giving heightened priority to the same concern that preoccupies an increasing number of people in the United States -- the imperative of challenging the corporate media.

On the night of Nov. 10, at the headquarters of the Brazilian Press Association here in Rio, more than 100 activists gathered to help kick off the nationwide Campaign for Media Democratization. In spite of progress for social justice, Brazil's mass media remain firmly in the hands of nine wealthy families intent on serving the interests of conservative economic elites. The contradictions between an ascendant democratic movement and a timeworn media oligarchy are extreme.

The government of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva -- known to all as simply "Lula" -- represents hope for a vast population of impoverished people suffering from the country's shameful economic inequality. One of the key goals is agrarian reform -- an issue that has come to great prominence in recent years largely due to the pathbreaking work of Brazil's diverse and well-organized landless workers movement, the MST.

Brazil's constitution stipulates that ownership of land not being put to social use can be transferred to dispossessed citizens. Fed up with the government's longstanding failure to implement that provision, the MST has organized many land takeovers in recent years.

Violent physical attacks on landless workers by police and goon squads have run parallel to the media attacks in the nation's largest news outlets.

MST activists are being slandered and trashed by major media in Brazil. They say the media establishment is seeking to "criminalize the social movements." That's why the MST has joined forces with many other groups to launch the Campaign for Media Democratization.

At several gatherings in November -- including the first Brazilian Social Forum, which drew 25,000 activists to the city of Belo Horizonte -- I heard many people compare the struggles for land and for media space. One speaker called for "agrarian reform of the airwaves."

Among the first components of the Campaign for Media Democratization is a nationwide boycott of Veja, the country's biggest weekly newsmagazine. Activists call the slick magazine "a symbol of manipulation."

A recent example of Veja's typical spin was an extensive one-sided article about genetically modified crops -- a fiercely contested issue in Brazil, where the U.S.-based agribusiness giant Monsanto is eager to gain high-tech control over the nation's large soybean industry.

"Veja" means "look" in Portuguese. So, new stickers promoting the boycott say "Veja! Que Mentira!" Translation: "Look! What a lie!"

During the year since voters chose Lula in a landslide, mainstream Brazilian media outlets have often warned against progressive initiatives while encouraging him to abandon key elements of the Workers Party program. "In this way," a National Student Union leader commented days ago, "the media struggle becomes more important."

Lula's newly conciliatory approach toward the International Monetary Fund early this month is a victory for Brazil's media monopoly and the interests it represents. But he appears to be moving ahead with some aspects of a social-justice agenda that could put him on a collision course with media titans.

While laying the groundwork for directly confronting anti-democratic concentrations of media power, Brazilian social movements are also proceeding to further develop independent means of communication.

Grassroots groups are making effective use of unlicensed radio transmitters that inform shantytowns and other neighborhoods in ways that are impossible via capitalist media. An impressive weekly broadsheet newspaper that circulates nationally, Brasil de Fato, is nearing its first anniversary. Numerous other non-corporate media outlets are already functioning, and many others are in the works.

Such outlets provide a markedly different working environment than Brazil's corporate media do. Many mainstream journalists complain that they're under pressure to constrain news coverage -- whether the restrictions involve not reporting on strikes or not mentioning that a governor was booed at a public event.

After a few days of going to meetings and listening to speeches in three Brazilian cities, I felt right at home. Movements for democracy are learning how to organize for democratization of media. In Brazil and the United States, or anywhere else, a free flow of information and opinion is not only worth fighting for -- it's essential.

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (1)

Adital's Interview with national MST Leader Gilmar Mauro

Adital/Rogeria Araujo
November 11, 2003

This Monday, November 10, more than 1000 rural workers will be leaving Goiania and walking to Brasilia. This march, organized by the Landless Workers Movement (MST) is going to the national capital to pressure the government to approve the National Agrarian Reform Plan.

Gillmar Mauro, MST's national coordinator, believes that this is a very important step for changing and improving life in the countryside. He states that this is a struggle of the movement that will not tolerate interference from any government or political party! He also believes that the Lula government represents an advance for rural workers, and that never before has a President allied with Agrarian Reform ascended the ramps of the Presidential Palace.

His assessment of the government up to now is not positive. "The assessment is negative, we are very clear on that. The government advanced a little on the issue of settlements, on the creation of mechanisms for disappropriation and so forth. Our expectation is that the National Agrarian Reform Plan will be discussed beginning next week." With the Plan, one million families all over the country will be settled.

Active for almost twenty years, the MST is one of the best known civil organizations in Latin America. Gilmar Mauro participated recently in the Brazilian Social Forum I, that took place in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais.

Adital: What did the directors of the MST think of the move to allow the planting of genetically modified soybeans for the next harvest? Gilmar Mauro: The MST is radically against the liberation and planting of genetically modified crops in Brazil. Our understanding is that there has not been sufficient research, or better, there are studies that prove their negative impact on the environment and on health. It is very clear that there is a monopoly on the part of economic groups that want to control seeds, which are patrimony of humanity.

Adital: What is your assessment of the 11 months of Lula's government: Gilmar Mauro: It is not positive, the assessment is negative, we are very clear on that. The government advanced a little on the issue of settlements, on the creation of mechanisms for disappropriation and so forth. Our expectation is that the National Agrarian Reform Plan will be discussed beginning next week. It has provisions for the settling of one million families in the next four years if the plan is discussed by the government and approved. Then we would be creating the conditions to improve conditions in the rural areas, generating more than 3 million jobs. It is the chance to begin a process here in Brazil of distributing income and wealth, beginning with land.

Adital: What is your assessment of INCRA after the exit of Marcelo Resende? Gilmar Mauro: INCRA continues to be frozen, as I see it, very bureaucratic and slow. If we truly want to see the face of Brazilian agriculture, INCRA must move much quicker.

Adital: The MST is a model for organization all over Latin America. How does the movement deal with this? Gilmar Mauro: We have never wanted and have never been presumptuous enough to believe that we are the main organization, etc. We have the humility to understand that there are various important organizations in Latin America, and that, together with them, we are building the CLOC (Latin American Rural Organization Coordinating Office), and together with others, have put together the Via Campesina, understanding that we must escape the logic of social and political protagonism. I see it more as a participative form, a network. This will permit us to share experiences as equals. And, above all, for unified concrete actions. And so we believe that we are only one more organization, among many, with the task of building unity.

Adital: According to the MST web page, 44 assassinations in rural areas have been registered in 2003. Since 1987, 137 MST workers have been assassinated. Have these crimes decreased? What is the situation? Gilmar Mauro: Unfortunately, they have not decreased. But I believe that we are going to resolve the violence in the Brazilian countryside when we resolve the problem of the large landholdings, that are the source of the violence, not only of the physical violence of assassinations, but also of children dying of hunger, the destruction of the environment, the swelling of the large urban centers. The fundamental reason in this country is that the elites suffer from mental monoculture and, for this reason, leave Brazil in the misery in which it is found today.

Adital: A number of organizations have expressed their disappointment with Lula's government. But the MST seems to maintain a stable stance with the present presidency. In one interview, President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva stated that the MST's agrarian reform is not the government's agrarian reform. What do you think of this? Gilmar Mauro: The government's agrarian reform is not the MST agrarian reform. We are very clear on this, and for this reason maintain autonomy in relation to other organizations and political parties as well as to the government. The government may also be transitory. Obviously, the government must have its own agrarian reform project that is different from ours. This is normal, natural. We want that the issue of land not be a mere object of the market. This may differ from the thinking of the government or alt least from the context in which the government finds itself. And we will continue fighting for our ideas, also understanding the limitations under which we still may not implement our project. However, the advances that we have had in Lula's government are important, although obviously insufficient for what we are trying to achieve.

Adital: Doesn't this pressure that the MST has been exerting help to destabilize Lula's government? Gilmar Mauro: No, no, I don't think so. We don't believe in change from the top down. Neither from Lula, nor from anyone in the MST who happens to be president on paper. That is not how to change the structures of this country, from above. It is a process that needs to be built. And how can it be built? By dialogue and the participation of the people. The struggle is for the people to be the historic actor in these changes and to put pressure, even in contraposition to the oligarchy of this country that is not dead and will come out with a counter reform of its own. Either we have the strength to push Lula's government to make the reforms, or the right will have the strength to impose a rhythm of continuism in Brazil.

Adital: Do you think that the movement is already being better understood by society after so many years of work? Gilmar Mauro: There is still a lack of understanding. But this is part of the Brazilian historic political culture. If you look at the bourgeoisie, in Brazil's 500 years, it has never let go of bourgeois radicalism and has never allowed access, not even to the petty bourgeois. It builds an upper class unity. The bourgeoisie has a grudge against the people, and this is expressed in the social means of communications. The MST will be twenty years old next year, and its survival for this twenty years is in itself a great victory and is part of this cultural change that we are helping to build in Brazil.

Adital: In the same way that the MST is organizing, the land owners are also seen to be organizing, through various mechanisms, including with collusion of the government. How is this relationship? Gilmar Mauro: The land owners have always been organized and have always run things in this country. Either through the government, through brute force or through the legal system. What must be said is that for the first time we are managing, through a President who is allied to Agrarian Reform, to have a turn and a voice in this country. The landowners will continue to fight us and we will continue organizing people and we believe that we are the majority of the people and one day we will win.

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (0)

Agrarian Reform at the Witness Stand: 17 Rural Workers Imprisoned

A Message from MST Human Rights Section Regarding the Rise in Criminalization of MST Leaders for which URGENT ACTION IS NEEDED. Also read two short news briefs on (despite the one year lift on the ban) mobilizations against GMOs mounted in Brasilia and the MST meeting with the minister of justice regarding the increased criminalization of social movements.

September 19, 2003 Reforma Agrária no banco dos réus: 17 trabalhadores presos

From: MST Human Rights Section www.mst.org.br

For defending the introduction of Agrarian Reform in Brazil, 17 rural workers connected with the MST have been detained throughout Brazil. In a tactic designed to intimidate the movement, judges have decreed prison sentences and are abusing their power. The detention of each of these workers represents the imprisonment of all the landless of Brazil, who are being treated as outlaws for struggling for land and against the latifundio (large landed estates). See the following cases and also how to show your solidarity.

São Paulo There are three rural militants detained in the state: José Rainha Júnior and Felinto Procopio, Mineirinho, have been in prison since the 11 of July in Teodoro Sampaio, Pontal do Paranapanema, accused of forming a criminal gang. Rainha's wife, Diolinda Alves de Souza was detained on the 10th of September. Their imprisonment is part of a strategy to criminalise the MST, set in motion by the actions of the judge Átis de Araujo who, in a little more than a year has decreed preventive prison sentences for 28 members of the movement in the Pontal region. Also in this state, the judiciary continues to persecute workers: detention orders include another 8 from the MST: Cledson Mendes, Márcio Barreto, Messias Duda, Eduardo de Morais, Zelitro Luz, Valmir Rodrigues Chaves, Sérgio Pantaleão and Roberto Rainha.

Messages and protests should be sent to the governor of the state: Governador do Estado - Geraldo Alckmin - Fax: (11) 3745-3301- saopaulo@sp.gov.br

Paraiba Eight rural workers from the occupation of the Fazenda Mendonça (farm) - considered unproductive by an inspection by INCRA (government body in charge of agrarian reform) in the municipality of Itabaiana, have been in prison since June 2002. They are accused of the homicide of a hired gunman in the area. The worker's defense states that they acted in legitimate self defense. Antonio Francisco da Silva, Jose Inacio da Silva Irmao, Jose Luiz dos Santos, Jose Martins de Farias, Marcelo Francisco da Silva, Severino Jose da Cruz, Severino Ramos dos Santos and Ivanildo Francisco da Silva are waiting for the judgment of the habeas corpus and are accusing the local police of using torture to get them to confess to a crime they did not commit.

Send your messages of solidarity to the judge: Juiz da Comarca de Itabaiana - José Ferreira Ramos Júnior - Fax: (83) 281-1383

Goiás On the 4th of July, an eviction in an area near the Fazenda Duartina (farm), near the town of Fazenda Nova, in Goiás, resulted in the imprisonment of about 40 people. During the removal of the families there were acts of physical violence and intimidation, besides the burning of food and the destruction of flags and hats. Yet again, the local judge paid no heed to these irregularities. Four workers are still being held prisoner: Josnei Dias, Claudinei Lúcio Soares dos Santos, Valdinei Vicente Silva and Milton Felipe de Moraes, are still in prison in the town of Fazenda Nova. Messages of support and solidarity to the governor of the state: Governador do Estado - Marcolini Perillo, www.goias.gov.br (on the link: "Fale com o Governador" - Talk to the Governor)

Mato Grosso do Sul Carlos Aparecido Ferrari and Antonino Alves de Lima, Toninho Borborema, have been in prison since the 26th of August in the town of Dourados, in a maximum security prison. The prison orders were decreed in December 2000, when the then judge, Eduardo Magrinelli Júnior also handed out prison sentences for another 19 rural workers. The state lawyer's argument is that the delay in carrying out these prison orders was due to the difficulty in finding the workers, despite the fact that they are leading activists and are constantly present on the encampments. The MST understands that these prison sentences are in fact a retaliation for the occupation of Fazenda Coimbra (farm), near the town of Itaporã, on 24th of August.

Messages to: Procurador Geral do Ministério Público - Sérgio Luiz Morelli, Fax: (67) 341-4102

News Briefs

MST Meeting with Minister of Justice

Leading activists from the movement met with the minister for Justice, Márcio Thomaz Bastos on the 16th of September, in Brasilia, to discuss the increase in violence in the countryside and the action of armed militias. Also present at the meeting were Dom Tomás Balduino from the CPT (Catholic church body concerned with rural issues) and Nilmário Miranda (national secretary for human rights). The minister came out against the criminalisation of the social movements. "Social movements are fully entitled to pursue land reform", declared the minister, making it clear that he will combat the growth of private militias in rural areas.

Encampment against GMOs Mobilises Social Movements in Brasília

Combating the legalisation of the commercial production and use of genetically modified seeds and giving incentives to the production of natural seeds instead in order to guarantee sovereignty over the production of food to the peoples of the world. These are the aims of the Encampment against GMOs which was started on September 12th in Brasilia and which promises to keep going for more than a month in the federal capital. The encampment is being promoted by the social movements in the countryside and there are more than 500 people staying in the campsite in the capital.

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (1)

Current Issues for the MST in Brazil

MST Letter to Friends of the MST in the US Current Issues for the MST in Brazil
September 21, 2003

Description: This letter offered greeting and an analysis of current events in Brazil to a gathering of Friends of the MST that met in New York City on September 21. Noted in the letter is the increase in violence against the MST (matching military dictatorship days), the increased criminalization of MST leaders, the increase in families participating in occupations in anticipation of settlement by Lula's administration, the MST's collaboration with the new government in the areas of literacy and agricultural products from settlements in the Zero Hunger basic food basket. The MST is also participating in a team that will develop a plan for agrarian reform. Agrarian reform progress has been slow as Lula will have settled less families than last year under the Cardoso administration. The MST needs solidarity now more than ever.

Dear Friends,

With this message, we would like to convey our profound thanks for the political solidarity work that you have been developing in the U.S. We would also like to bring you some news that can help you to reflect on the solidarity actions to be developed there in the U.S.

1) In the current political situation, we have opened many channels for dialog with the government. Although the president of INCRA was removed, which was an appointment of the MST, we do not assume that this is a defeat because the government has the right to name whomever they want for this post.

Although Marcelo, the former president of INCRA had close ties to the MST, his dismissal does not mean a change in the political direction of INCRA because Rolf, the new president, is also very good politically, despite the fact that he accepted the presidency of INCRA in an isolated way. In a meeting the social movements said it would be better if he did not accept the post, and he was not supported by these movements, since he was a government appointment.

In the area of the government's general politics, you must have seen in the media that what prevails are the reforms dictated by the Brazilian elites, that have nothing to do with the life of the people, who deal welfare and taxes. The Government is betting everything on the Zero Hunger Program, which began to move forward in the last two months, but this will not resolve the structural problems of social inequality in Brazil.

2) In the area of Agrarian Reform: nothing has moved forward, the government says that it does not have money to carry out the appropriations. The government makes a speech saying that quality will prevail over quantity; in other words, that it will not carry out Agrarian Reform on a massive scale, it will not settle one million families during the Government's four years, which is what we propose.

As for the Model of Agrarian Reform in the market, the Land Bank, the Government stopped the program of buying land in this way but it still implements a part of the program through Agrarian Credit for Family Farming, where they loan money to the sons of small owners to buy land. Why?

A sector of the government in the Family Farming Secretariat defends the Land Bank. This sector, tied to CONTAG/CUT, which is the National Federation of Farm Workers, disputes space with the MST in many states. They are together with ex-president Fernando Henrique Cardoso in the implementation of the Land Bank. A problem of Lula's government is to have space for all, on the right and the left, so each one does what it can to serve the interests of its class and sector.

On the question of genetically-modified organisms (GMOs), the one still in charge of this question is the Minister of the Environment, Marina Silva, but there is a lot of pressure from the Ministry of Agriculture and from Monsanto for Brazil to allow GMOs, since we are the only territory that is GMO-free. As a consequence we can make guarantees to the European Market since all the other soy producers produce GMO soybeans.

3) As for the position of the MST in relation to the government, we are working with the government in some areas such as education and the Zero Hunger Program. We signed up for a literacy project for 45,000 rural young people and adults and we are establishing partnerships in the area of rice and bean production at a low cost so that these products can go in the basic food basket for the Zero Hunger Program. But we are pressuring the Government to implement a true Agrarian Reform through land occupations, marches, and protests.

There is a government team drawing up a National Plan for Agrarian Reform that will be presented before the end of the year for the entire government. It is not known if the Plan will be approved or not.

4) As for our internal situation, unlike the last few years, our principal enemy is no longer the Federal Government since we have the space for negotiation and debate. The problem is concentrated now in the big landowners and in the Judiciary. Most state governments have ties to the right, and it is in the states where the MST actions take place that the military police are acting with a level of violence only seen previously in Brazil during the period of the military dictatorship. Some examples include the number of imprisonments that have been decreed against the MST and the number of prisoners, totaling 21 people in leadership who are not just members but coordinators of the MST in their states.

This is not a generalized wave of violence and persecution of the MST throughout Brazil but is localized in certain states such as: São Paulo, Paraná, Pará, Goiás, Paraíba e Mato Grosso do Sul.

It's clear that the Federal Government could take a stand against this violence against the MST but it is also not interested in losing the support of the governing rural base in the National Congress.

Currently our international campaigns are focused on freedom for political prisoners. We continue carrying out the campaign for the construction of the Florestan Fernandes National School, and other campaigns.

In Pará an International Tribune will be held at the end of October. It will put on trial the violations of human rights committed in that state. We have invited various prominent people and it would be interesting to have a large number of international observers participating in this Tribunal.

Related to our more general international policies, we participated along with six leaders of the MST in the activities in Cancun, and it was Via Campesina which gave political direction to all the demonstrations. And the WTO meeting collapsed, The Brazilian Government agreed with the entrance of agriculture into the WTO discussions. But tactically it was the best position that the Government could adopt because if it had pushed for agriculture to be excluded from the WTO discussions, it would have ended up isolated without any allies.

We are preparing for the Fourth International Conference of Via Campesina that will be held next year in Brazil.

In the struggle against the FTAA, the campaign is very well organized in Brazil. The Brazilian government has consistently taken positions of not accepting the entrance of Brazil into the FTAA. In the field of popular mobilizations, we carried out, during the week of September 7, a signature-gathering campaign demanding a popular plebiscite of the Brazilian people regarding whether Brazil should join the FTAA.

Internally, we are increasingly focusing on political training, with the return of the technical assistance program. We are beginning to revitalize cooperatives and production associations, and in the field of education we are making significant advances.

Regarding land occupations, we have never had so many landless workers wanting land to occupy. All the landless now think that with Lula as president, Agrarian Reform is going to happen more rapidly and for this reason the number of families who are camping has already risen to 147,000.

We understand that at this moment, international political solidarity is of the highest importance since we have a President that because of his own history is more susceptible to political pressure and especially that which comes from other countries.

We hope that your meeting contributes to the continuing activist work of political solidarity with Brazil and the MST.

Long Live International Solidarity! Yes to Sovereignty, No to FTAA! Agrarian Reform -- for a Brazil free from Latifundios!!!

Source: Sector of International Relations, Landless Workers Movement

01/24/2005 | Permalink | Comments (2)

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Recent Posts

  • URGENT ACTION: Freedom for MST Political Prisoners
  • URGENT ACTION: One Landless Worker is Killed and Many Others Wounded in Paraíba Land Conflict
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  • Adital's Interview with national MST Leader Gilmar Mauro
  • Agrarian Reform at the Witness Stand: 17 Rural Workers Imprisoned
  • Current Issues for the MST in Brazil

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